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Thrust to the
sidelines of history; Belarus's first head
of state is now a pensioner forbidden to
work in his own country.
KUPALINKA,
BELARUS -- It hardly seems a fitting end
for a man many consider a father of the
nation.
Stanislav Shushkevich pads around his
wood-walled dacha wearing coveralls, a
lumberjack shirt and suspenders, his thick
fingers dirty from a morning spent working
around the small countryside cottage. He
apologizes several times for the mess, and
has to clean tools off the kitchen table to
make space for us to sit and talk.
Like many
Belarussians, gardening at his dacha has
long been a hobby for him, but these days
it's more than that for Mr. Shushkevich —
it's almost all he has left.
The man who 13
years ago played a crucial role in
dissolving the Soviet Union and leading
Belarus to independence is now a poor,
ordinary pensioner, marginalized and
vilified by hard-line President Alexander
Lukashenko.
It was Mr.
Shushkevich who in December of 1991 invited
Boris Yeltsin and Leonid Kravchuk, the
future presidents of Russia and Ukraine, to
a dacha in the Belovezhskaya Pushcha nature
reserve in western Belarus.
There they
signed the document that effectively ended
the USSR as a political entity. In the
ensuing turmoil, Mr. Shushkevich became head
of the Supreme Soviet and the newly
independent country's first head of state.
“We didn't
gather to start the collapse of the Soviet
Union. We didn't even think of it at first.
If we had thought about it before, I don't
know if we would have had the strength to do
it,” Mr. Shushkevich says now, opening a
bottle of homemade red wine early in the
afternoon. After the bottle is emptied, he
confesses that the three leaders had a
similar amount to drink but that they were
not drunk the day they broke up the USSR.
He has a lot of
time to reflect on his role in history, and
recounting it at speeches to foreign
universities is one of his chief sources of
income now that Mr. Lukashenko has slashed
his government pension to the equivalent of
just $1.50 (U.S.) from the $200 a month to
which he is legally entitled. He is denied
permission to work in his own country and
drives a battered red Zhiguli that looks at
least 20 years old.
Mr. Shushkevich,
69, shrugs off his current situation; he
brags of being self-sufficient and proudly
shows off the newly installed hot-water tank
at his dacha in this wooded region 50
kilometres west of Minsk. But he's clearly
angry with the man who robbed him of the
respect still given Mr. Yeltsin in Russia
and Mr. Kravchuk in Ukraine.
“It's not a
question of the people of Belarus forgetting
me, it's just that Lukashenko is obscene,”
he said. “I don't know of anyone else like
him — maybe [Libyan leader Moammar] Gadhafi
or [North Korean dictator] Kim Jong-il, but
those people are smarter.”
It's not just
his own fate that bothers him. Mr.
Shushkevich believes he left Belarus on a
democratic path 10 years ago. He had just
introduced the legal concept of private
property, and a range of political parties
was beginning to take root. The country had
good relations with the West and had removed
all nuclear weapons from its territory.
He believes the
first presidential election won by Mr.
Lukashenko in 1994 was free and fair. Mr.
Shushkevich finished fourth in that vote,
his popularity damaged by his refusal to
answer allegations that he had stolen a box
of nails from the state for private use at
his dacha.
Since then, Mr. Lukashenko — dubbed by many
as Europe's last dictator — has used Mr.
Shushkevich as a foil, blaming him for all
the country's ills.
“Shushkevich is
a hostage of Lukashenko's politics,” said
Svetlana Kalinkina, editor of the
independent Belorusskaya Delovaya Gazeta
newspaper. “His idea is that before him,
everything was bad and someone has to be
guilty for this.”
Under Mr. Lukashenko's rule the human-rights
situation has dramatically worsened; many of
those who oppose the President are either
sidelined, as Mr. Shushkevich is, or, as in
the case of a half-dozen key activists, have
mysteriously disappeared and are now feared
dead.
Despite the
dangers, Mr. Shushkevich is still active in
opposition. He heads a small movement called
Hramada, which recently joined a six-party
coalition fighting an uphill battle to keep
Mr. Lukashenko from extending his rule past
the current two-term limit. Mr. Shushkevich
compares the political climate now to the
one faced by his friend Lech Walesa, who led
the Solidarity movement in Poland in the
late 1980s.
“The situation
is worse now than in Poland . . .” he said.
“What we need is for the West to support us
the way they supported Solidarity.”
The Globe and
Mail; 21 April 2004
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