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THE WALL:
PART 3
Living as
prisoners in their own home
ELKANA,
WEST BANK -- Munira Amer is ecstatic to
see visitors. The 41-year-old mother of six
is so keen to have a conversation with
someone outside of her immediate family that
she almost bounds across her family's muddy
plot of land to meet a trio of strangers.
It's rare
that the Amers see guests any more, and it's
easy to see why. The family home has the
appearance of a medium-security prison,
surrounded on three sides by tall, wire
fencing and on the fourth by an eight-metre-high
concrete wall.
There's no
way for Ms. Amer to invite the visitors in
today, either. By following an out-of-date
map, they arrived at one of the sides with
no gate. She apologizes that she must speak
to them through the fence.
The Amers'
four-room concrete bungalow has been sealed
off from the rest of the West Bank village
of Mas-ha by a concrete wall since 2003,
when the controversial security barrier
Israel is building was erected between
Mas-ha's 2,000 Palestinian residents and the
neighbouring Jewish settlement of Elkana.
Only the Amer home was left on the Israeli
side of the eight-metre-high wall. Then,
under pressure from settlers who were
nervous about having a Palestinian family
living in their midst, Israel fenced the
family in on the other three sides.
Consequently,
their house has become a lonely island unto
itself that is neither in Israel nor the
West Bank.
“We live in a
state by ourselves. We've been cut off
totally from our people,” Ms. Amer said. Her
five-year-old son Shaddad stood beside her
with his face pressed glumly against the
chain-link enclosure, watching a pair of
Israeli joggers go by on the other side.
The Israeli
army gave the family keys to a gate that
opens toward Mas-ha, but not to a second
gate beyond that one that the army controls.
Ms. Amer said her husband goes to work each
day in Mas-ha not knowing whether he'll be
allowed to return home that night.
Shaddad,
meanwhile, is too small to open the iron
gate himself, so if no one hears his cries
for someone to open it for him when he
returns home from school, he's trapped on
the other side until someone notices. Ms.
Amer said she once found him sleeping in the
dirt outside the gate, his head on his
school bag.
Their
proximity to the Israeli security apparatus
— the house near a road constantly patrolled
by army jeeps — means few of their friends
and former neighbours from Mas-ha ever
visit. The Muslim holy month of Ramadan was
particularly lonely, she said.
“My children
are always upset, always angry. They're
constantly hitting the ball against the
wall. But at least they go to school. I'm in
prison. I can't leave the house. I feel like
I have to be here all the time or they'll
take it.”
Her neighbours on the other side in Elkana,
a gated Jewish settlement ensconced about
four kilometres inside the West Bank,
acknowledge having some sympathy for the
Amers' plight, though they insist the harsh
measures are necessary.
“Some people
might use this house to attack the
settlement,” said Moshe Raik, a 62-year-old
restaurateur. Although he acknowledges
there's no suggestion that the Amers
themselves have any ties to Palestinian
militant groups, he sees the family's
situation as something that was brought on
them by other Palestinians. “The terror that
they created among the Jews forced us to
make these walls.”
The Amers'
situation is the most extreme example of a
phenomenon that the security barrier's route
has created in other parts of the West Bank
as well. Thousands of Palestinians near the
barrier have been cut off from their
historic lands and long-time neighbours — in
some cases, as with Qalqilya in the north,
entire cities of them.
On a hill
near Bethlehem, the 200 residents of the
hamlet of Nu'man are caught in a similarly
absurd and hopeless situation.
The barrier's
planned route would see Nu'man and the
surrounding area, considered by Israel to be
part of metropolitan Jerusalem, which it
annexed in 1967, enclosed on the Israeli
side of the barrier. But none of those who
live in the 25 homes that make up Nu'man
have Jerusalem identification cards, meaning
that under Israeli law they're considered to
be living illegally within the city's
boundaries.
They only
have West Bank Palestinian ID cards, meaning
that unless they get Israeli-issued permits,
they can be arrested for travelling in
Jerusalem, the same city that Israeli maps
say they live in.
Reinforcing
their isolation, the road linking Nu'man
with the communities north and west of it
has been blocked, forcing residents who have
to travel that direction to do so on mule
back. When the barrier is completed, the
only drivable road out of Nu'man — south to
Bethlehem and the West Bank beyond it — will
also be severed.
“We're
cutting them off from their natural
environs, but not offering them equality or
citizenship,” said Daniel Seidemann, an
Israeli human-rights lawyer who is fighting
to have the route of the wall radically
changed to cause less hardship to
Palestinians. “We're basically creating a
Paris-like situation of a national,
religious underclass. It's an extremely
volatile mix.”
There's
little question that anger is growing in
Nu'man, an area that previously posed little
security concern to Israel. Residents feel
they're being slowly driven out, forced into
situations where the only rational choice
for them and their families is to abandon
their homes and move into the parts of the
West Bank that Israel seems willing to
concede to the Palestinians. The Israeli
human-rights group B'Tselem alleges that the
route of the wall is designed specifically
to allow Jewish settlements such as Har Homa,
visible from Nu'man on a neighbouring hill,
to expand into land currently occupied and
used by Palestinians.
“They want
this land, but they don't want the people
who live here,” said Ali Ibrahim Abdullah, a
50-year-old unemployed construction worker.
Even as he spoke, Israeli military jeeps had
closed the route to Bethlehem and were
interrogating a dozen men trying to cross
between the two communities. “They're trying
their best to make us move out, but I will
die here before I decide to leave this land.
This is my home.”
It's the same
answer that Ms. Amer gives when asked why
the family doesn't leave their lonely
existence and join their family and friends
on the Palestinian side of the barrier,
which many suspect Israeli Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon wants to make into an
international border.
“Where can we
go? This is our land. This is our house,”
she says defiantly. “I keep thinking that
one day, this wall will go.”
The Globe
and Mail; 4 January 2006
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