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THE WALL:
PART 5
Palestinians, Israelis join together in
Battle of Bilin; Weekly protest against
barrier is rare example of co-operation.
BILIN,
WEST BANK -- Nimrod Eshel is shouting
out his disgust at the barrier his country
is building through the West Bank when the
tear gas starts to fly.
The 24-year-old student from the Hebrew
University in Jerusalem pants mildly as he
dashes through an olive grove to find a
safer vantage point. The peaceful protest of
a few minutes before is beginning to
disintegrate; Palestinian youths, their
faces covered with bandanas to protect them
from the effects of the gas, hurl stones
back at the helmeted Israeli troops, who
respond with rubber bullets and more tear
gas.
“I think it's
really important for Israelis to see this.
It's really sad what's going on,” Mr. Eshel
said, waving his hand in an arc that
included both the ongoing barrier
construction and the Israeli dispersal of
the protest.
The Battle of
Bilin, as the weekly anti-wall protest here
in this tiny West Bank community is known,
begins every Friday after midday prayers.
Several dozen unarmed residents of the town,
supplemented by foreign and Israeli peace
activists, meet each week outside the local
mosque and march together toward the
bulldozers and front-end loaders that are
preparing the ground for the next growth
spurt in the 685-kilometre-long separation
barrier.
Each Friday,
they're met by Israeli riot police and an
angry dance of protest begins. The activists
push forward as far as they can, singing and
chanting anti-wall slogans. When they cross
an invisible line, the police disperse them
with tear gas and batons.
A
longer-distance exchange of heated opinions,
Palestinian rocks and Israeli rubber bullets
then carries on for much of the rest of the
afternoon.
Six people were injured, one seriously, in
the clash in which Mr. Eshel recently took
part. Three were arrested, including two
Israelis.
The fight is
a desperate one for this West Bank town's
1,700 residents. When the barrier is
completed, it will cleave away some 233
hectares — approximately half this town's
land — and append it to the Israeli side of
the barrier, where the settlement of Modiin
Ilit is rapidly expanding. It is one of 117
Jewish communities built — illegally,
according to the United Nations — on West
Bank land.
“According to the Israelis, this is their
border. But we will continue to resist it,”
said Rateb Abu Rahmeh, a 40-year-old teacher
from Bilin. He waved his arm to indicate the
mounds of freshly dug earth that are the
precedent to a complex system of fortified
fencing, motion sensors and security roads
designed to keep Palestinians from
approaching. “They took 60 per cent of our
land. . . . We can' t have a state with
these borders.”
The weekly
protest is intriguing in a couple of ways.
First, the demonstrators, though few in
number, have managed to draw international
attention to their cause and slow
construction to a snail's pace. Second, the
residents are joined each Friday by Israeli
peace activists who are as ready and willing
to get tear-gassed for the cause of Bilin as
anyone who lives here.
They are only
the most vocal of a large minority in
Israeli society that is opposed to the
barrier, or at least to its construction on
the Palestinian side of the 1967 Green Line,
Israel's internationally recognized border
with the West Bank. The barrier's route,
which the current Israeli government is
believed to see as a prelude to a final
border between Israel and a future
Palestinian state, puts 8 per cent of the
West Bank as well as much of East Jerusalem
on the Israeli side, effectively annexing it
to Israel.
Mr. Eshel
said that like many Israelis, he is in
favour of some kind of barrier, which
Israelis attribute to halting the wave of
Palestinian suicide bombers that have struck
in recent years. “I can understand why they
put the wall up,” he said. “The biggest
question is where you put it.”
It's a
sentiment the Bilin residents share. If the
barrier had been built on the Green Line,
they say, there would be no riots.
Bilin's case,
requesting that the route be moved closer to
the Green Line, is now before Israeli courts
and a decision is expected in February.
Construction is frozen on about 10 per cent
of the barrier's planned route because of
some three dozen domestic court challenges,
and the village council is hopeful that a
landmark September ruling by Israel's
Supreme Court will help their cause.
In that
decision, the court ordered the army to tear
down a section of the barrier encircling the
Jewish settlement of Alfei Menashe and five
Palestinian villages. The court said the
barrier can extend into the West Bank, but
cannot impose undue hardships on
Palestinians.
Though minor,
the court successes and the international
exposure gained by the weekly demonstrations
have recently encouraged the activists to be
more brazen in their challenge to the
Israeli government.
Last week, a
number of Israelis joined Bilin residents in
setting up a Palestinian “settlement” next
to Modiin Ilit, where the Israeli media has
reported that 750 housing units were
recently built on West Bank land without
permits. Unlike the residents of the Jewish
settlement, the Palestinians who moved in
next to them were bearing a deed to the land
and permission to build from the Bilin
village council.
The Israeli
army quickly removed the tiny outpost, but
not before it made international headlines
and drew more attention to Bilin's cause.
Mr. Abu Rahmeh said the village's Israeli
allies had been behind the idea, and even
supplied the materials for the outpost's
construction. “They're very good people.
They help us more than anyone,” he said.
“Without the Israelis and the other
foreigners, we wouldn't be able to do any of
this.”
Friday
afternoon, once the demonstration is over,
Nir Shalev, an activist with B'Tselem, a
well-established Israeli peace group,
arrived in Bilin toting maps of the region
to help the village council prepare for its
day in court. He's greeted warmly by his
Palestinian allies, who clearly value his
expertise on how the Israeli justice system
works.
It's a rare
example of Israeli-Palestinian co-operation.
After five years of bloodshed, hatred and
distrust are far more commonly on display
between the two sides, and Mr. Shalev
acknowledges that most Israelis are quite
happy the barrier is being built. Still, he
and the other Israelis who have joined the
Battle of Bilin are determined to fight on.
“In the long
term, this wall will just initiate a third
intifada (uprising). You can't expect people
who have their land grabbed to just sit
peacefully and accept it. So there will be
more terror attacks in Israel and more
retaliation by the Israeli army. The whole
cycle will continue.”
The Globe and
Mail; 6 January 2006
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